Like many I know, I was unnerved when NPR reported that one in five of the people charged for the January 6th Capital Attack were active or former military officers. The Military Times’s survey furthers the discomfort: 36% of active duty officers and 53% of active duty minorities saw signs of white nationalism in the ranks in 2019. But, the pipeline from military to extremism is not novel to our time, and understanding history’s pattern can ensure that today’s policies solve this disturbing issue without pointing fingers at the military.
Historically, waves of extremism surge after major military conflicts. Why? Because post-war eras are characterized by social transformation and economic fallout ripe for rebellion. The formation of the Ku Klux Klan was the first major wave of white supremacy extremism (WSE), born just five months after the Civil War ended. Membership remained steady until skyrocketing to over 4 million post WWI and then again after WWII. The White Power Movement’s backlash to Civil Rights constituted the fourth wave hot on the heals of the Vietnam War, and like clockwork, today’s wave of WSE comes shortly after the Global War on Terror, Iraq, and Afghanistan.
Post-war narratives are the catalyst that can radicalize veteran WSE sympathizers into militia recruits. Katherine Belew’s book “Bring the War Home” documents this phenomena as it played out after the Vietnam War. Veterans were recruited into the White Power movement by “grievance narratives” that capitalized on sentiments being “stabbed them in the back” by the government (that they felt did not equip them to succeed in Vietnam) and trivialized by the public (that they felt disapproved of their servicein Vietnam in the first place).
Militias make purposeful use of post-war narratives to attract and leverage veterans’ military expertise. The Oath Keepers boast that veterans make up two-thirds of their membership, and Tom Metzger, founder of the White Aryan Resistance, claimed in the early 2000s that “he would encourage [WSE members] to join the military…[and] bring training back.” While veterans by no means constitute the majority of most militias, they are more likely to hold leadership roles. The short list includes three of the Oath Keeper leaders facing conspiracy charges for the January 6th attack, the perpetrator of the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing that killed 168 people, Ruby Ridge’s Randy Weaver, the Order’s founder Bob Mathews, Civilian Material Assistance’s founder Tom Posey, neo-Nazi leader Richard Butler, and the majority of top Klan leaders including Louis Beam.
Countries with similar concerns such as Germany, France, and New Zealand attempted broad public media censorship with little success. German law enforcement continues to be infiltrated by extremists. The failing of censorship, beyond infringing on freedom of speech, is that it can drive extremism underground, making it more difficult for the military to detect in the ranks. For instance, in the 1980s, WSE used a passcode locked platform called Liberty Net to circulate the WSE novel Turner Diaries, assisnation lists, and training regiments.
The best policies must acknowledge the history and present reality of the pipeline without condemning the military for it. A blame game would prove counter active and not constructive. As Belew documents, the military does not radicalize officers. Extremists in almost all cases had extremist ideologies before military service. However, there must be a strict gatekeeping mechanism to ensure the military never fortuitously trains extremists. Department of Defense policy already prohibits extremist ideology, and the recent call by the Defense Secretary for a 60 day stand down to confront extremism in the military shows the military’s seriousness in rooting out WSE. Another crucial policy is ensuring dignified readjustments for veterans back to civilian life through stable job reentry, family support, and mental health care.
Any policy should keep in mind that the U.S. military is the most diverse in the world. It not only defends but reflects American equality. However, the WSE militia pipeline is a heartbreaking contradiction. For the fundamental safety of our citizens, the dignity of our troops, and the integrity of the military’s mission, the pipeline must be stopped from the inside out.
